permanent revolution vs socialism in one country
It is no use building Socialism without being sure that we can build it, without being sure that the technical backwardness of our country is not an insuperable obstacle to the building of complete Socialist society. Why was Permanent Revolution unpopular? Of course, Party resolutions are sometimes not free from error. In the course of the split in 1985, it was Cliff Slaughter who championed the national autonomy of the British section, rejecting the necessity of subordinating the factional struggle within the WRP to the clarification and building of the world party. In 1879, he published an article entitled âThe isolated socialist state,â laying ideological foundations for the subsequent growth of social patriotism within German Social Democracy. Hence, the victory of Socialism is possible, first in several or even in one capitalist country… It was to defend those privileges that it turned to a policy of capitalist restoration that unleashed a disaster of world historic proportions on the Soviet people. I would like to quote at some length passages from this critique, which spell out the foundations of a Marxist approach to the elaboration of perspective. Trotsky and the Left Opposition had put forward a detailed proposal for developing heavy industry, warning that without a growth of the industrial sector, there was a serious danger that the growth of capitalist relations in the countryside would undermine the foundations of socialism. The defeat of several proletarian revolutions in countries like Germany and Hungary ended Bolshevik hopes for an imminent world revolution and began promotion of "Socialism in One Country" by Stalin. Trotsky pointed out that everything in this resolution on China echoed the positions held by the Mensheviks and much of the leadership of the Bolshevik PartyâStalin includedâin the aftermath of the February 1917 revolution in Russia. That means that if the ruling class, the proletariat, wants to hold sway, it must prove its capacity to do so by military organization also. Marxism must adapt to the reality of the society it is being adapted to. In November 1982, in the summation of his âCritique of Gerry Healyâs âStudies in Dialectical Materialism,ââ Comrade David North reviewed the political relations established by the WRP leadership in the Middle East over the previous period, writing, âMarxist defense of national liberation movements and the struggle against imperialism has been interpreted in an opportunist fashion of uncritical support of various bourgeois nationalist regimes.â, âFor all intents and purposes,â he continued, âthe theory of permanent revolution has been treated as inapplicable to present circumstances.â. Like the Pabloites before them, the WRP leadership increasingly abandoned the scientific appraisal that Stalinism, social democracy and bourgeois nationalism represented, in the final analysis, agencies of imperialism within the workers movement. Is it not obvious, then, that whoever disseminates skepticism regarding our successes in building Socialism thereby indirectly helps the Social-Democrats, reduces the sweep of the international revolutionary movement, and inevitably departs from internationalism? The attempt to develop a self-sufficient âsocialistâ economy based on the resources of backward Russia was doomed, not merely by Russiaâs backwardness, but because it represented a retrogression from the world economy already created by capitalism. But they received a rebuff and were compelled to retreat, and formally they submitted to the opposite point of view, the point of view of the majority of the Central Committee. It signifies that by the final victory of Socialism in one country Zinoviev means, not the guarantee against intervention and restoration, but the possibility of completely building Socialist society. According to the permanent revolution perspective, the path to socialism was necessarily international, whereas in the framework of socialism in one country, the top priority became defense in the form of national security. The victorious proletariat of that country, having expropriated the capitalists and organized its own socialist production, would stand up against the rest of the world, the capitalist world, attracting to its cause the oppressed classes of other countries, raising revolts in those countries against the capitalists, and in the event of necessity coming out even with armed force against the exploiting classes and their states.”. In respect of the technique of production, socialist society must represent a stage higher than capitalism. It opposed the thesis advanced by the Pabloites that Stalinism was capable of self-reform and even of playing a revolutionary role, as well as their related conception that bourgeois nationalism in the colonial countries was capable of leading the struggle against imperialism. This betrayal unfolded in the midst of Trotskyâs struggle against Stalinâs retrograde theory and provided a grim confirmation of his warning that it could only lead to catastrophic defeats for the international working class. Permanent revolution is the strategy of a revolutionary class pursuing its own interests independently and without compromise or alliance with opposing sections of society. âThe importance of this dogma which played a predominant role in the bitter controversy with Leon Trotsky...cannot be exaggerated. As Trotsky warned prophetically in 1928, the thesis that socialism could be built in Russia alone given the absence of foreign aggression led inevitably to âa collaborationist policy toward the foreign bourgeoisie with the object of averting intervention.â. What is the root of this mistake? Compare Lenin’s classical thesis with the anti-Leninist reproof Zinoviev hurled at Iakovlev, and you will realize that Iakovlev was only repeating Lenin’s words about the possibility of building Socialism in one country, whereas Zinoviev, by attacking this thesis and castigating Iakovlev, deserted Lenin and adopted the point of view of the Menshevik Sukhanov, the point of view that it is impossible to build Socialism in our country owing to its technical backwardness. The result was the massacre of some 20,000 communists and workers by this army in Shanghai on April 12, 1927. I think not. âIn our epoch,â he wrote, âwhich is the epoch of imperialism, i.e., of world economy and world politics under the hegemony of finance capital, not a single communist party can establish its program by proceeding solely or mainly from conditions and tendencies of developments in its own country. This is not yet the building of Socialist society, but it is all that is necessary and sufficient for this building.”. To review the essential features of this profound analysis of the revolutionary dynamics of modern global capitalism developed by Trotsky, the permanent revolution took as its starting point not the economic level or internal class relations of a given country, but rather the world class struggle and the international development of capitalist economy of which the national conditions are a particular expression. In the regional elections, despite ruthless weeding out of Opposition supporters by Stalin’s appointed secretaries, 36 percent of the vote still went to the Opposition. And he has but one purpose, namely-to “improve” the resolution, and to amend Lenin “just a little bit.” It need hardly be proved that Zinoviev is mistaken in his calculations. The imperishable brilliance of this analysis is even clearer todayâgiven the ever-closer global integration of capitalism, to which we have paid such close attention in the development of the ICâs perspective. However, even in 1893 the latter remained adamant that only the combined force of Britain, France and Germany sufficed to construct a socialist society: MEW , vol. Moreover, the call for building âsocialism in one countryâ struck a broader chord among an exhausted Soviet working class that had seen its most advanced elements either sacrificed in the civil war or drawn into the state apparatus. Let us turn to Lenin. Socialism in One Country. This document appeared in the press during the first sessions of the Fourteenth Party Congress. Therefore, the working class could not fight for political power. They're not one size fits all. Only the working class could carry out this revolution and could consummate it only through the formation of its own dictatorship of the proletariat. Trotskyâs defense of permanent revolution and the fundamental conception that world economy and world politics constitute the only objective foundation for a revolutionary strategy represents the theoretical cornerstone of the internationalist perspective of the International Committee of the Fourth International today. And what does it mean to “organize Socialist production”? Another aspect of Stalinist theory that Grant and Woods pick apart in this text is that of ‘Socialism in One Country’. This was the world-historic significance of this perspective, which provided the foundations for the building of a genuinely international revolutionary party. Here is what the Moscow Committee of our Party has to say about this “incident” in the Central Committee of the CPSU(B.) It is hardly necessary to prove that Lenin’s clear and definite statement needs no further comment. Trotsky rejected both conceptions, insisting that the character of the Chinese revolution was determined by the world development of capitalism, which, as in Russia in 1917, posed the taking of power by the working class as the only means of solving the revolutionâs national and democratic tasks. Those like Stalin who denounced Trotsky in 1924 for failing to believe that Russia could build âsocialism in one countryâ had between 1905 and 1917 condemned him as a utopian for asserting that the Russian proletariat could come to power before the workers of Western Europe. Is this the Leninist method of presenting the question? This year marks the twentieth anniversary of the split in the International Committee of the Fourth International with the leadership of the British Workers Revolutionary Party. The essential theoretical issues that arose in the struggle over these two opposed perspectives were not only fought out by Trotsky against the Stalinist bureaucracy in the latter half of the 1920s, but have reemerged as the subject of repeated struggles within the Fourth International itself. The conception of âbuilding socialism in a single countryâ originated not in Russia, but in Germany, where it was propagated by the right-wing Bavarian social democrat Georg von Vollmar. They opposed as âTrotskyismâ Leninâs thesis enunciated in April 1917 that the essential tasks of the bourgeois democratic revolution could only be completed by the working class seizing power and establishing its own dictatorship. The Stalinist socialization of Russia demands three things, imperativelyâevery ounce of effort, every cent of money, and peace. It shared much in common, however, with the official labor movements of the capitalist countries, viewing the national state and the expansion of its economy and industryânot the international revolutionary movement of the working classâas the source of progress and reform. This divorcing of the prospects for the Soviet Union from the development of the world socialist revolution likewise constituted a frontal assault on the theory of permanent revolution, upon which the October Revolution of 1917 had been based. Does it require the existence of the Fourth International? Let us turn to Lenin. No, this is impossible. The denial of the possibility of Socialism in one country is the basis of all ideas and policies of Trotskyism. in its Reply to the letter of the Leningrad Provincial Party Conference: Recently, in the Political Bureau, Kamenev and Zinoviev advocated the point of view that we cannot cope with the internal difficulties owing to our technical and economic backwardness unless an international revolution comes to our rescue. I assert further that in this most important question of the victory of Socialism Zinoviev has gone counter to the definite decisions of our Party, as registered in the well-known resolution of the Fourteenth Party Conference On the Tasks of the Communist International and of the Communist Party of Russia in Connection with the Enlarged Plenum of the Executive Committee of the Communist International. Please try again later. The Left vs. When we speak of the final victory of Socialism we mean this much, at least: 1) the abolition of classes, and therefore 2) the abolition of the dictatorship of one class, in this case the dictatorship of the proletariat … If we are to get a clearer idea of how the question stands here, in the USSR, in the year 1925 [says Zinoviev further], we must distinguish between two things: 1) the assured possibility of engaging in building Socialism-such a possibility, it stands to reason, is quite conceivable within the limits of one country; and 2) the complete construction and consolidation of Socialism, i.e., the achievement of a Socialist system, of a Socialist society. Permanent Revolution vs. Socialism in One Country Trotsky believed in ‘Permanent Revolution’ and continuing the NEP. The statement quoted above was made by Lenin in 1915, before the proletariat had taken power. What do we mean by the possibility of the victory of Socialism in one country? Zinoviev, of course, had the opportunity of speaking against this document at the Congress. I cannot tell; nor, I think, can anyone tell. Indeed, in his âFoundations of Leninism,â written in February of that year, Stalin summed up Leninâs views on the building of socialism with the following passage: âThe overthrow of the power of the bourgeoisie and the establishment of a proletarian government in one country does not yet guarantee the complete victory of socialism. by Eva Dragostrs ... would eventually lead second, a socialist, revolution. Combined, these theories constituted a perspective for the liquidation of the cadre historically assembled on the basis of the revolutionary perspective elaborated and fought for by Leon Trotsky in founding the Fourth International. socialist revolution but to capitalistically developed states. Through a series of purges, expulsions and political coups, the Moscow bureaucracy obtained a staff that was trained to see the defense of the Soviet state, rather than the world socialist revolution, as its strategic axis. Rejecting the internationalist foundations of this theoryâverified in the experience of the October Revolutionâthe Stalin leadership based itself on a formal nationalist approach, dividing the world into different types of countries based upon whether or not they possessed the supposed necessary prerequisites for socialist construction. We should not have taken power in October 1917-this is the conclusion to which the inherent logic of Zinoviev’s line of argument leads us. But since when have we come to treat departure from Leninism on a cardinal problem of Leninism as internationalism? That is why the Fourteenth Party Congress rightly defined the views of the New Opposition as “lack of faith in the cause of Socialist construction,” as “a distortion of Leninism.”. And this is the case because the theory of permanent revolution is a theory of socialist revolution worldwide, especially in its mature formulation of 1929, thus being the only theoretical outlook challenging the pseudo-theory of ‘socialism in one country’ in a coherent manner. This was to take place on the basis of an agreement that the petty-bourgeois nationalist guerrilla movement of Fidel Castro had established a workers state in Cuba, thereby supposedly proving that non-proletarian forces could lead a socialist revolution. Perhaps Zinoviev thinks that this resolution is erroneous. It thus, on the one hand, saw China as insufficiently mature for socialism while, on the other, endowed the national bourgeoisie and the nation-state form itself with a historically progressive role. They insisted then that the revolution could not leap over the bourgeois democratic stage of its development and called for conditional support to the bourgeois Provisional Government. Nonetheless, in 1984, the Workers League again raised these issues. Eight decades later, the implications of the struggle between the theory of permanent revolution and socialism in one country are plain to see. Against this conception, Trotsky established that the struggle against imperialism, which enjoyed myriad ties to the native bourgeoisie, only intensified the class struggle. In his autobiography, My Life, Trotsky explained the political psychology of what he described as âthe out-and-out philistine, ignorant, and simply stupid baiting of the theory of permanent revolutionâ: âGossiping over a bottle of wine or returning from the ballet,â he wrote, âone smug official would say to another: âHe can think of nothing but permanent revolution.â The accusations of unsociability, of individualism, of aristocratism, were closely connected with this particular mood. The limitations on the construction of socialism imposed by backwardness and isolation could be overcome only through the development of the revolution by the working class in the advanced capitalist countries, culminating in the world socialist transformation, thus lending the revolution a permanent character in a second sense. 117.). Zinoviev and Kamenev once tried to raise this argument at a meeting of the Central Committee of the Party prior to the April Party Conference. He prefers to choose another path, that of attacking the resolution of the Fourteenth Party Conference from the rear, while keeping silent about this resolution and refraining from any open criticism of the resolution. Stalin was able to impose the Menshevik policy on Chinaâagainst the will of the Chinese Communist Party, which was instructed to restrain both the workers in the city as well as the agrarian revolution in the countryside. While an indispensable instrument of defense, the monopoly itself expressed Soviet dependence on the world market and its relative weakness in terms of productivity of labor in relation to the major capitalist powers. Applied to China, this method analyzed the national revolution in isolation from the world revolution. To overthrow the bourgeoisie the efforts of one country are sufficientâthe history of our revolution bears this out. The class struggle between the bourgeoisie and the masses of workers and peasants is not weakened but, on the contrary, it is sharpened by imperialist oppression, to the point of bloody civil war at every serious conflict.â. Writing in 1930, Trotsky described this âsecondâ Chinese revolution as the âgreatest event of modern history after the 1917 revolution in Russia.â The rising tide of revolutionary struggle by the Chinese working class and peasantry and the rapid growth and political authority of the Chinese Communist Party after its founding in 1920 provided the Soviet Union with the most favorable opportunity for breaking its isolation and encirclement. Here is what he said about the victory of Socialism in one country even before the October Revolution in August 1915: “Uneven economic and political development is an absolute law of capitalism. On August 4, 1914, the death knell sounded for national programs for all time. Other articles where Socialism in one country is discussed: communism: Stalinism: …was the idea of “socialism in one country”—i.e., building up the industrial base and military might of the Soviet Union before exporting revolution abroad. And, in February 1984, North presented a political report to the IC beginning with a critique of a speech by SWP leader Jack Barnes, who had explicitly repudiated the theory of permanent revolution, and concluding with a review of the WRP leadershipâs opportunist relations with the bourgeois nationalists, the Labourites and the trade union bureaucracy that in practice pointed to a similar conclusion. As the February 1927 resolution of the Comintern stated: âThe current period of the Chinese revolution is a period of a bourgeois-democratic revolution which has not been completed either from the economic standpoint (the agrarian revolution and the abolition of feudal relations), or from the standpoint of the national struggle against imperialism (the unification of China and the establishment of national independence), or from the standpoint of the class nature of the state (the dictatorship of the proletariat and the peasantry)....â. An attempt to build socialism on one island would inevitably spell an irrational economic retrogression. Trotsky fought for a faster tempo of industrial growth in order to counter this pressure, while at the same time he rejected the conception of an economic autarky. Speaking generally, one may assume that the resolution of the Fourteenth Party Conference also contains certain errors. To deny such possibility is to display lack of faith in the cause of building Socialism, to abandon Leninism. He pointed out that the development of a world capitalist economy not only posed the conquest of power by the working class in the backward countries, it also made the construction of socialism within national boundaries unrealizable in the advanced capitalist countries. In other words, we can and must build a complete Socialist society, for we have at our disposal all that is necessary and sufficient for this purpose. In the final analysis, it represented a specific form of labor reformism that took on a peculiar and malevolent character as a reaction against the October Revolution within the Soviet workers state. This lecture was delivered by Bill Van Auken at the Socialist Equality Party/WSWS summer school held August 14 to August 20, 2005 in Ann Arbor, Michigan. It pleases Zinoviev to treat this skepticism as internationalism. - It seemed defeatest and suggested that Russia was not strong enough to stand alone - It seemed as if it could lead to war - … To build Socialism without the possibility of completing it; to build knowing that it cannot be completed-such are the absurdities in which Zinoviev has involved himself. This … These questions were at the center of Trotskyâs 1928 critique of the draft program of the Communist International contained in the volume The Third International after Lenin. 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